More Thoughts on Taxes

Following the President’s announcement of a “tax reform” outline, critics and supporters have had a field day. However, until the entire piece of legislation is drafted and released, we will not know who benefits from this “reform.” As I indicated in an earlier essay, the key lies in the effective tax rate imposed on individuals and corporations. That is the rate applied after all exemptions and deductions are subtracted from adjusted gross income.

My initial analysis of our own situation leads me to believe that the rates reflected in the tax tables must be significantly lowered if our taxes or going to go anyway but up. The elimination of personal exemptions and the deduction of state and local taxes has a significant impact on us and, I am guessing, many others in the “middle class” as well. It is important to note that the increase of the standard deduction for couples to $24,000 will have a positive effect for many whose deductions have traditionally been less than this amount.

While the current publicity about the “reform” has hinted at new rates for the top of the schedule, it has said nothing about the large number of other exemptions and deductions that exist for corporations and the very wealthy. For them we have rates without exemptions and deductions. For the rest of us there is news about exemptions and deductions, but not rates. Our local congressman is flooding the airwaves with self praise about the tax cut which he has helped to get for us. I cannot tell how he arrives at that conclusion from the information available.

While the proposal may mean large tax cuts for the wealthy and corporations as liberals claim, it may not. While it may mean tax cuts for many working and middle class people, it may not. Frankly, I suspect that much of the debate over the next few months will be of the kind that muddies the waters. Many of our elected representatives are clueless about the intricacies of taxation, and other are knowledgable but unwilling to share their knowledge with us.

Stayed tuned. I am counting on our taxes to increase.

The Health Care Debate

The debate over our system of paying for health care continues without pause. Bernie Sanders and a number of Democratic colleagues have introduced a Medicare for Everyone bill. Nancy Pelosi has said that her priority is maintaining the Affordable Care Act. Some in Congress insist that the only way forward is to repeal the ACA. The President appears to have been on all sides of the issue, supporting at different times single-payer health care, repealing the ACA, and a number of different “replacement” bills offered in Congress. Throughout, the rhetoric appears to promise affordable, high quality health care for all.

Several things appear to me to be clear. Most important is the principle that, in order for coverage to be both high quality and affordable, the system must be universal. In any “insurance” plan, if the people paying the premiums are only those most likely to receive benefits, the plan must fail. Insurance in the private sector operates successfully on so long as premiums collected exceed benefits paid. There may be unusual short-term situations in which this is not the case, and those must be covered by retained reserves. This means that any system that does not require mandatory participation cannot by definition be universal, affordable and high quality.

The Affordable Care Act attempted to provide such a system but has experienced mixed success. It has not been able to achieve universality as of now. Younger, healthier people are still electing to pay fines rather than choosing to participate. Some states have elected not to expand Medicaid coverage for less affluent citizens. Political challenges have rendered the payment of government subsidies uncertain in the eyes of insurance companies. All of this has resulted in fewer choices and, probably, higher costs to individuals insured under the act.

Experience elsewhere indicates that the ACA concept is not fundamentally flawed. The Swiss system of health care is much like the ACA. Participation is mandatory. Insurance is provided by private companies. Government subsidizes premiums that exceed an established percentage of individual income. A number of plans are offered with a variety of deductibles and coverages. The system apparently works as designed. This may explain why the basic concept was popular in some conservative circles after the failure of universal health care in the first Clinton administration. The adoption of the basic scheme by the Obama administration must have somehow changed its basic character.

Now we come to single-payer systems of the sort championed by Senator Sanders et al., and practiced in a very large number of industrialized democracies. I have discussed the idea with some citizens of countries with the system (mostly Canadians), and have received generally favorable reviews along with the identification of some problems. Most have given the system high ratings for emergency and acute care. Elective procedures are another matter, and they usually involve surviving a long waiting list. Furthermore, there is alway the problem of defining “elective.” The most common illustration that I have heard involves hip and knee replacements. These are “elective” procedures in Canada. Most of my acquaintances who have required such procedures did not view them as “elective.” For them the alternative was miserable pain. Is this trade-off acceptable? For those currently without any coverage, I suspect that the answer is, “Yes.”

Perhaps the larger problem with Senator Sanders’ proposal is its cost. How is such a program to be funded? I gather that the senator simply says, “higher taxes.” Some analysts believe that he has underestimated costs. In any event, the tax portion of his proposal is coming “later.” A lot of troublesome questions remain. Is the current payroll tax for Medicare to be retained and at what level? Will employers be required to add their payments for health insurance premiums to their share of the payroll tax? If not, will they have to increase employee wages and salaries by the amount of those premiums in order to help employees meet a higher tax burden? (After all, such a requirement will not change the bottom line payroll costs for the employer.) Are private insurers to be forced out of the health care business? Will they be left with only “platinum” policies which exceed single-payer coverage? Will they be able to find a way to participate under something like the current Medicare Advantage program? If anyone has thought all of this out, I have not seen the results.

For now, this leaves me with Representative Pelosi (not one of my favorite government officials). I think that the ACA must be fixable. Why does the concept work in Switzerland? Does the Swiss experience offer us any clues? How do they enforce universality? What role, if any, is played by their cantons (states). What has been the per person cost of government subsidies? Are the Swiss just smarter than we are?

You will notice that this entire discussion has proceeded to this point without mentioning socialized medication. In spite of some of the hysterical rhetoric, neither of these approaches involves “socialized” medicine. Health care providers are free to practice on their own or as part of a private, corporate structure. However, it would be a problem if they would refuse to treat patients under any such universal system. Patients are free to select the doctor of their choice. It has always seemed to me that both providers and patients are severely constrained by insurance companies under our current system. Constraints are surely present under any universal health care system, but we should focus on the nature of those constraints rather than arbitrarily deciding that they are bad if they come from a government and good if they come from a private insurance company.

On Taxing and Spending

While it is tempting to devote an essay with this title to the State of Illinois, I am not yet ready to deal with that topic calmly. What I wish to address here is fiscal policy at the national level. Although he has directed Congress to produce “tax reform” legislation as soon as they return to session, President Trump has provided only the barest outline of a program to both reduce taxes and reform the revenue system. The tax reduction policy that has been hinted at appears to be based up the “supply side” economic theory that, if one lowers taxes, spending will increase and the economy will grow. This growth will produce more revenue. President George H.W. Bush pronounced this to be “voodoo economic policy” as long ago as 1980. Yet it continues to be an article of faith in many quarters.

In addition to tax cuts, President Trump is proposing major spending increases on defense, infrastructure and border protection. Spending reductions in other areas of the proposed budget do not appear to equal these increases (although I must confess to a less than complete analysis of the administration’s proposed budget). Indeed, it is highly unlikely that all of the proposed spending reductions will survive Congressional scrutiny. This means that more revenue will be required.

Even if one assumes that the “supply side” taxation works as advertised, it is unlikely that it will work immediately. However, spending will increase immediately leading to larger deficits, more borrowing and more haggling over raising the debt limit. This is not what has been promised to the American people. The theory does not tell us how long it will take to work, and it does admit to any problems with deficits.

What is more troubling is the fact that the theory has never worked as advertised. Defenders of the policy insist, to the contrary, that the tax cuts during the Reagan administration were not responsible for the negative results that followed. They blame the monetary policy of the Federal Reserve and its efforts to control inflation by imposing very high interest rates. The evidence in this case is murky at best. The evidence with respect to efforts in the State of Kansas to adopt such a policy has been much clearer. Deficits have ballooned and forced the state to the verge of bankruptcy. If tax cuts are going to work for Kansas in the long term, that will be small consolation for her suffering citizens today.

A devout supply sider might argue that, “ceteris paribus”, their theory would work better. Sadly, in this complex world, all other things are never equal. Isn’t it simpler to replace complex economic theory with another idea?” If you want to spend money on some perceived public good, then you must impose taxation to pay for the expenditure. This is a truly conservative approach to public finance. The question then narrows down to “Who is going to be taxed for how much?” In answering that question, it would be entirely reasonable to focus on effective rates of taxation rather than nominal rates. Regardless of “tax brackets”, our Federal taxes have hovered around 16%. Strangely enough, that is the same as the average effective corporate tax rate.

Tax reform is needed. Do we wish to tax individuals and corporations at different rates? Should income taxes have graduated rates, and what should they be? What exemptions and deductions should be permitted and for whom? On what basis are these tax expenditures justified? This is not a task that the Administration and Congress can complete between now and September 30th. It is a task that each party should have undertaken long ago. It is difficult, but it lies at the heart of the democratic process. We elect public officials to address these difficult problems in a serious way. What we too often get is a series of grandiose pronouncements. “I will cut taxes.” “I will eliminate waste.”

This is closely tied to my argument in an earlier essay on the balanced budget. Revenue for capital expenditures may come from borrowing. Taxes will have to cover annual principal and interest payments. This is not rocket science. We all do it when we wish to buy a house or a car. We reach a clear and open agreement with lenders as to the amount of down payment and annual principal and interest payments are within our means. If we simply cannot do without, and the bank won’t lend us the money, we can alway get another job. In the public sector that translates as raising taxes.

The policy makers in Washington may be thinking about these things. However, I have seen nothing in the public discussion so far to give me much hope. An argument between Congressman Cut Taxes and Senator Tax the Rich fails to get at the heart of the matter. They are trading slogans and not discussing alternatives.